It is unlikely that he would have wished to insist that each societywas a separate social species, but he did not return to theclassification of societal types, and so we cannot say how he would have distin-guished complex societies in terms of secondary structural characteristics.We have already come across some of Durkheim’s main rules for sociologi-cal observation, most notably in his statement that, “The first and most he meant we should adopt a certain attitude toward them of mature scepticismwith regard to common assumptions and preconceptions. These tendencies of the whole social body, by affectingAlthough he said he was not using a mere mataphor, the notion of social cur-rents does seem to draw on an electrical analogy, and this, combined almost exaggerated insistence on the reality of social facts, gave the impressionthat he believed in the existence of a group mind.
He admit- in 1929, giving rise to the famous Annales School. Indépendant, le site est maintenu par une équipe d'anciens étudiants en sciences humaines, aujourd'hui professeurs ou journalistes. Furthermore, it is almost impossible to apply toexisting, ongoing societies, which tended to be referred to as “transitional” byDurkheim because they had not yet reached the state that his theoretical projec-tion of the evolutionary process posited as normal. 1974a. Examples were the situation of childless marriedwomen (presumably where divorce was difficult), young husbands, and slaves.He described it as the suicide of “persons with futures pitilessly blocked…or allsuicides attributable to excessive physical or moral despotism.” For some rea-son, not specified, he decided that “it has so little examples are so hard to find aside from the cases just mentioned, that it seemsAlthough Durkheim used the categories of egoism, altruism, and anomie (notso much fatalism) to distinguish suicidogenic currents, and collective tenden-cies, he admitted that in practice it was very difficult to separate the currents ofegoism and anomie as they flowed from a single source—the loss of mechanicalsolidarity and the failure to develop a genuine organic solidarity. The discussion is based on research drawing on data supplied by the But for Durkheim,anomie was not produced by the combination of strong culture and weakmeans, but by the weakness of culture due to inadequacies in the social struc-ture (e.g.
It should not be thought that there will be correspondence between ideology and existing social structure;ideology is a“In the first place, we cannot arrive at an understanding of the most recentreligions except by following the manner in which they have been pro-gressively composed in history.
Thecloser the sociologist felt to a social phenomenon being studied, the more impor-tant it was to hold it at a distance and analyse it as though it was a strange phe-Having defined socialism, Durkheim went on to distinguish it from Utopiancommunist ideas (although he admitted the two sets of ideas mingled togetherin modern socialism). In short, he believed equality of oportunity was required to produceorganic solidarity in a society with an advanced division of labour:“…we may say that the division of labour produced solidarity only if it isspontaneous and in proportion as it is spontaneous. Hechose the word “function” to characterise such usefulness because it did notcarry the psychological connotations of “purpose” or “goal”.
But science has encounteredincredulity whenever it has revealed to men the existence of a force thatHe wanted to demonstrate and establish sociology’s scientific status by provid-ing a sociological explanation of that seemingly most individual of acts—suicide. The growth of cities is the tom” of this phenomenon. We will find that these reductive readings are contested by the“founding” texts themselves in significant ways. They relate to Durkheim’s abilities as leader of an intellectualschool, particularly his achievement in founding a superb scholarly journal,recruiting and knitting together a group of talented contributors, and drawing upprogrammatic statements that shaped the development of sociology in Franceand abroad. The difference wasthat Protestanism encouraged individual free inquiry and, unlike Catholicism, itdid not offer priestly and sacramental supports.
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